This investigation examines the reality of freedoms in Iraq, concluding that restriction has begun to emanate from all political actors, as well as institutions that were supposed to be human rights-based and defenders of democratic concepts. The investigation also puts forward the hypothesis that the increase in violations began after the Tishreen (October) protests in the autumn of 2019, but witnessed a sharp escalation after the events of October 7, 2023.
By: Ahmed Al-Sheikh Majed
Researcher at the Iraqi Observatory for Human Rights (IOHR)
While covering demonstrations in front of the Kuwaiti Consulate in Basra, "Mustafa Al-Shammari," a correspondent for Al-Taghier TV, woke up amidst a crowd beating him. That was on April 8, 2026, during the final days preceding the temporary ceasefire in the US-Israeli war on Iran. Al-Shammari was surprised by the "beating party" and did not realize exactly what he had done to deserve all this. However, what he heard amidst the din was people chanting against him, describing him as a "Daeshist who also works for a Daeshist channel."
More than 30 people used sticks and batons, which caused several bruises and a torn ACL, leading to Al-Shammari's inability to move until now. The group that surrounded him wanted to kill him, but "the intervention of an officer contributed to saving him from death." This was preceded by incitement campaigns Al-Shammari was subjected to on social media, especially "Facebook," according to an interview conducted with him by the Iraqi Observatory for Human Rights (IOHR).
The day of the assault against Al-Shammari did not seem to end without completing a chain of venting a growing anger among some groups. What happened to journalist Nour Al-Tamimi in the same province was notable, after she attempted to cover a bombardment that targeted "Kata'ib Hezbollah" in Khor Al-Zubair. Al-Tamimi, as a woman in a conservative southern society, did not realize she would one day be amidst men struggling to escape their attempts at physical assault, amidst a massive roar caused by continuous verbal insults.
Al-Tamimi only wanted coverage, but the group that surrounded her seized her phone to delete what she had filmed. It remained with them for half an hour until the provincial police chief intervened and "convinced them to return it." In events like these, journalists diagnose that assaults and violations end in a manner similar to what happens in tribal sessions (reconciliations) that witness a mutual settlement between two parties. Al-Tamimi said that they "insulted the logo of Al-Sharqiya channel where she works after she heard all kinds of slurs," due to "the presence of a large incitement campaign on social media, against her and her channel," according to an interview conducted with her for the IOHR.
Al-Tamimi believes that "the effects of war on journalists are harsher because of classifications they are accused of, which do not leave them even after the fires of war are extinguished." Despite most journalists leaning towards "peaceful" and non-confrontational options, even if their work is limited to covering news only, they remain in open confrontation with arrows of threats from many places, even unexpected ones. Al-Tamimi said that her channel preferred not to publish the assault on her, fearing the consequences of escalation.
The aftermath of the regional fires was not easy. Many feel that restrictions and violations after the war no longer stem only from official state apparatuses and armed factions, but also from some who belong to what is known as the "cultural elites." Writer and legal expert Sate’ Ammar said that "these elites have begun to object even to your right to silence, in a hysterical state that shapes the features of the public sphere." Whoever remains silent instead of supporting Iran, for example, will be questioned about the reasons for their neutrality "in a moral war."
"We are among the potential losses of the regional war, for reasons related to being counted as a party in any conflict," said Ali Karim (38), a pseudonym for a well-known journalist with extensive experience with armed groups in Iraq. Karim, who is from Maysan province, said that he "has not written anything since activist Yannar Mohammed was killed."
Yannar Mohammed was a feminist activist found killed in front of her home in the capital, Baghdad, on March 2. Mohammed is considered among prominent activists in defending women's rights and worked—as her biography indicates—on protecting women facing violence since 2003. Mohammed's assassination was preceded by a series of posts and videos inciting against her, especially on pages close to armed factions. Until now, three official security institutions that were contacted do not know the progress of the investigation regarding Yannar Mohammed: the Ministry of Interior, National Security, and the National Intelligence Service.
During the writing of this investigation, activist Dhirgham Majid was subjected to direct gunshot wounds in an assassination attempt in Babylon province. Majid is known for his activity and leadership of protests in the province. The gunman’s face was clear on surveillance cameras, yet the authorities have not taken any legal action regarding revealing the entity or the individuals until this moment.
Three academics, who preferred to remain anonymous for security reasons and were interviewed separately for the IOHR, believe that people's preoccupation with massive events following the war makes assassinations and kidnappings something that does not face an outcry as is usual. Therefore, assassination incidents pass unnoticed and are forgotten after a few hours.
Politicians and actors in armed factions justify committing violations because "it is a war" that allows for the forbidden and breaks the rules of engagement, as happened with American journalist Shelly Kittleson, who was kidnapped on March 31, 2026. She was a freelance journalist collaborating with many international media outlets interested in the Middle East. "Kata'ib Hezbollah" claimed responsibility for her kidnapping, and the security official in the Kata'ib, "Abu Mujahid al-Assaf," said later: "We decided to release the American accused Shelly Kittleson, provided she leaves the country immediately," warning that "this initiative will not be repeated in the coming days; we are in a state of war launched by the Zionist-American enemy against Islam, and in such cases, many considerations fall."
The "Huquq" (Rights) bloc, close to "Kata'ib Hezbollah," justified the kidnapping of the journalist through its head, Hussein Mounis, because "the country is in a state of war and there is no problem with that." Mounis considered that "kidnapping is pushing back the corrupt with the most corrupt," and that "her kidnapping is better than her assassination, because the street is resentful of the United States," as he put it.
The Communications and Media Commission (CMC)... A "Censorship Tool"
Some opinions might be a prelude for their owners to enter lists that may lead to uncalculated troubles. In the 12-day war, for example, a member of the Board of Commissioners in the Iraqi Communications and Media Commission, Mahmoud Al-Rubaie, requested the monitoring of accounts he said "support Israel against Iran" in order to hold them accountable. Pages close to armed factions also published the same matter and talked about names they claimed were supporting Israel.
Fear began to envelop opinions as the ideal way to survive not entering the list of "Israel supporters," which those afraid thought was on an official table at the CMC headquarters, being reviewed by the leader in "Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq," Mahmoud Al-Rubaie.
The CMC is led by Baligh Abu Kalal, who belongs to the "Hikma Movement" led by Ammar al-Hakim, and the positions of the Board of Trustees are shared by persons belonging to most political forces and armed parties. Journalists interviewed compared the Commission to the "Ministry of Information in the days of the former regime."
From time to time, the CMC issues a set of decisions it describes as "disciplinary" against media professionals, analysts, and journalists, including "bans from media appearance" on screens for periods that lengthen or shorten depending on the severity of the penalty. The procedure is no different from cutting someone's tongue, as they cannot speak on any media outlet until the end of the penalty period, because media outlets also fear bringing the "punished" into the spotlight.
The investigation monitored more than 20 cases of violations by the Commission from May 2025 until the first quarter of 2026. Among those "banned from appearing" more than once was media figure and host of the program "Al-Haq Yuqal," Adnan Al-Tai. For the latter, restriction is no longer limited to the armed entities that were constantly threatening and inciting, but has begun to grow from official institutions.
Al-Tai pointed to the many times he was subjected to defamation, threats, and suspension by the CMC. He said that "there is a general feeling of increased restrictions on freedom of expression with the recent war or after October 7, 2023. It is an obsession that haunts many talk show hosts." He also said that "the CMC has turned into a censorship tool. They interfere even in words, although we do not use hate or violent vocabulary."
The official spokesperson for the CMC, Haider Najm al-Allaq, said during an interview with the IOHR that "the Commission relies on the list of media broadcasting rules that aim to regulate forms of expression and not slip into incitement to violence, hatred, or intolerance." He also acknowledged that some "violations are very serious, such as insulting the state or its institutions or even official or religious figures."
Questions were directed to three legal experts: Amir Al-Daami, Mohammed Jumaa, and Adel Mohammed, during separate phone interviews regarding "insulting the state, its institutions, or official figures," as mentioned by Al-Allaq. They all agreed that the matter is "vague and subject to more than one interpretation," which requires legal treatment.
Almost most penalties issued, whether from the CMC or others, fall under the concept of "insult." Legal expert Amir Al-Daami told the IOHR: "The word 'insult' is vague and interpreted according to the whims and moods of the media expertise that gives its opinion on the view or proposal, without there being rules for it."
Parliament Completes the "Equation of Repression"
Journalists and activists feel that the Iraqi Council of Representatives is considered one of the largest sources of frustration in failing to strengthen the democratic system in Iraq or defend freedoms. For example, the previous fifth session (from 2021 to 2025) was considered by the Parliamentary Observatory as the "worst" in terms of oversight and work compared to previous sessions; however, from another aspect, it was one of the most active sessions in terms of legislating laws described as "sectarian" and "restrictive of human rights."
October 7, 2023, was a golden opportunity for many members of the fifth parliament to be part of the sources of tension in the country. Writer and legal expert Sate’ Ammar believes that Iraq, through a parliament that has lost its balance, has become "facing a new equation of complete repression, where the variables of October 7 and the subsequent aggression and international wars consolidated a sectarian discourse that was accompanied by a government affiliated with the Coordination Framework."
Ammar said that what happened "was an appropriate opportunity for dominance and accelerating the sectarian mission and institutionalizing it through legal legislation and executive procedures." Through laws that adopt sectarian views, such as the "Personal Status Law" or the "Public Holidays Law," the parliament tried to "impose dominance and a blatant restriction of freedoms that we may not have witnessed even during the days of the war against ISIS," as Ammar put it.
The atmosphere after October 7 and its events, and the subsequent noticeable sectarian and emotional polarization, created an electoral atmosphere that will lead to a "sixth session" with colors drawn by the map of militants and forces known as "extremists." The results were shocking to many and portend a "gloomy future," as described by researcher and academic Aqeel Abbas, where the absence of parliamentary diversity and the dominance of one political color over the parliament directly reflects on issues of rights and freedoms. For journalist and activist Mohammed Al-Mahmoudi (33), "passing laws that serve opposing forces becomes an easy matter that requires only routine procedures, in the absence of a parliamentary backer that supports civil society organizations, writers, and opinion makers, as well as weakening the ability of the latter to build communication channels within the parliament and form pressure and solidarity networks capable of influencing."
Research studies do not rule out that what happened in the region after October 7 was part of drawing the features of the electoral map in 2025 and even the form of election propaganda. Many Iraqi Shiites felt an existential threat, especially after the killing of Hassan Nasrallah, and media outlets owned by armed factions began pumping the idea of fear and the "Israeli threat targeting the overall Shiite rise in the Middle East."
On April 8, 2026, Parliament voted on the members of the Human Rights and Women Committee, which included the following MPs: Mustafa Sanad, Muthanna Ali Mahdi al-Tamimi, Ahmed Rahim al-Musawi, Wahda al-Jumaili, Arshad al-Salihi, and Abdul Rahman al-Luizi.
Four journalists and human rights defenders who were contacted regarding the Human Rights Committee feel that "the committee contains no one who is truly interested in freedoms or has a clear record in defending them." The IOHR tried to contact committee members regarding the reality of human rights and future plans, but received no response.
Three members of the committee have close organizational relationships with armed factions and have a record of defending them, in addition to a history of lawsuits against opinion makers. On August 21, 2025, the Karkh Court issued a sentence of 3 months' imprisonment against academic and political analyst Mohammed Na’na’, following a lawsuit filed against him by MP Mustafa Sanad, one of the committee members. Sanad also has well-known disputes with media figures, bloggers, analysts, and defenders of rights and freedoms.
As for Muthanna al-Tamimi, he was the governor of Diyala and a leader in the "Badr" faction, which is accused of human rights violations. When the Diyala Provincial Council wanted to interrogate him for the second time in 2016, his tribe and elements of "Badr" surrounded the council building during the session, while two members of the provincial council were subjected to an assassination attempt upon leaving the session, according to press reports. At that time, Al-Tamimi's tribe prevented his first interrogation session and directed threats to provincial council members, also "threatening to dissolve the council if the interrogation proceeded."
As for Ahmed Rahim al-Musawi, who is among the committee members, he belongs to the "Al-Sadiqun" bloc, which is the political wing of the "Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq" faction, affiliated with Qais al-Khazali. The other member of the committee, Wahda al-Jumaili, is known for a video in January 2019 that leaked on social media, showing her firing a gun on New Year’s Eve from her car window. At that time, the MP apologized for the behavior, but she faced a wave of criticism for being an "MP who did not abide by the law." Meanwhile, no significant activity in human rights and freedom issues is known for Abdul Rahman al-Luizi, with the exception of MP Arshad al-Salihi, as an old member of the committee, who also sought to place restrictions in the draft law on freedom of expression and peaceful demonstration during sessions attended by the IOHR.
Unions... A War Against Freedoms, Not to Achieve Them
The long list of violations on freedoms always leads to questions about civil society organizations and unions and their positions in this atmosphere. However, the Journalists Syndicate itself was also practicing "restriction" on journalists, as appeared on June 1, 2025, when the head of the Journalists Syndicate branch in Basra, Sadiq al-Ali, pursued the manager of the (Basra 365) channel, Hadeel al-Mawla, on charges of defamation following a post on "Facebook." Al-Mawla said in statements that "her post was only a criticism of the syndicate's silence regarding the campaign she and the media institution she supervises are subjected to."
In a search on the syndicate's website and the official page of its head, Moaid al-Lami—who is also the head of the Union of Arab Journalists—the author of the investigation found most of what is published consists of annual "financial rewards" provided by the government to journalists through the syndicate, in addition to Al-Lami's activities and the conferences he holds or attends, and matters regarding IDs and syndicate membership. As for defense and organizing the work of journalists and talking about their rights before the authorities or their institutions that refuse to provide them with contracts, there is no mentionable trace of it.
Al-Lami held the position of Captain of the Iraqi Journalists since 2008 until 2026. Many journalists felt that the elections were controlled by Al-Lami, and their outcomes were very similar to what happens in the parliamentary elections of the Iraqi political system. In February of the current year, the syndicate's elections for its 23rd session were held in the capital, Baghdad, the results of which resulted in the victory of journalist Khalid Jassim as Captain. The law did not allow Al-Lami to be returned to the post of Captain, but he became the First Deputy to the new Captain, or as one journalist described during an interview: "Al-Lami turned into the Shadow Captain."
Journalist and writer Ali Al-Mayah (31) said during an interview in Baghdad that "the Journalists Syndicate does not represent those working in journalism except as much as our political system represents the will of the country's citizens." For Al-Mayah, the syndicate is closed and its elections take place with outcomes known in advance, which made the previous Captain eternal in his position for 20 years, despite the exchange of positions between him and his deputy in the last electoral session.
Al-Mayah does not remember when the syndicate condemned the trial of journalists, nor does he remember any movement by it to curb the waves of closing media institutions and preventing journalists from appearing on screens under the cover of Article 226 related to insulting authorities, which dates back to the totalitarian regimes that ruled Iraq before 2003.
Al-Mayah belongs to a young journalistic generation that asserts "most of them do not possess any legal document proving their work in journalism." He said that "the syndicate does not allow any new members to enter it with many bureaucratic obstacles to prevent any expected electoral change within the syndicate, and it also deprives them of any legal cover that protects their professional activity."
Al-Mayah has colleagues who have been working in journalism for at least 10 years, but "the syndicate is insistent on leaving them completely exposed in the field, even though it granted its membership even to taxi drivers to benefit from some privileges of the traffic law, gas stations, and weapon carry permits." Al-Mayah remembers his coverage of a movement about the rise in the dollar exchange rate, which ended in a hail of bullets during which a photographer was injured and the reporter's equipment was confiscated. Even with the amount of truth shown by their blood-stained clothes, they both stood as culprits before a judge because the syndicate refused to provide them with even a scrap of paper proving their work in journalism.
The Era of Lawsuits
In the "Al-Muqaraba" program that was shown on Dijla channel, program host Samer Javad asked the Prime Minister's advisor, Ibrahim Al-Sumaidaie, about the reasons for the lawsuits filed by the Prime Minister, Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, against journalists. Al-Sumaidaie said that he went to Al-Sudani and advised him the following: "Be like Nuri al-Said." This is a reference to the fact that the Prime Minister during the royal era for 14 times, Al-Said, used to listen to criticism and was not annoyed as Al-Sudani does. Al-Sumaidaie said that Al-Sudani answered him by saying: "When I am Nuri al-Said, we cannot strengthen the state."
A member of the "Construction and Development Coalition," Mashriq al-Furaiji, justifies the abundance of lawsuits filed by the head of his coalition against journalists by saying: "Previous governments had assassinations and disappearances of journalists and activists, and we do not know the entities behind them, but in Al-Sudani's government, these cases do not exist." Al-Furaiji saw that the transition from kidnapping to legal lawsuits is "a good thing." Al-Furaiji spoke during a special interview with him about the inability of everyone to "ignore insults or abuse."
Lawsuits against media figures "Ahmed Mulla Talal" and "Zainab Rabie" indeed carried the charge of "insulting the Prime Minister." No one knows until now what the nature of the insult is and what its limits are for governmental perceptions. During 2024 alone, 9 news websites, television programs, and journalist accounts were banned and blocked, without the reasons being officially revealed until now, but "abuse" committed by the accused is being talked about.
By the concept of Article 78 of the Iraqi Constitution, the Prime Minister is the direct executive responsible for drawing state policy, including his intervention in human rights issues. Legal expert Amir Al-Daami said: "What happened to freedom of opinion and expression in the last three years, Iraq has not witnessed before. Today, the courts are overflowing with thousands of lawsuits against media professionals who write boldly and talk about the negatives and the bad conditions in Iraq."
The Deputy Secretary-General of the "National Line Current," Hamed al-Sayyed, said during a special interview: "We are facing legal arbitrariness against opposing voices." He noted that "the atmosphere of legal lawsuits" creates an unsafe environment for journalistic work, and thus is considered "a reflection of the political system's anxiety regarding freedom of expression."
Researcher Aqeel Abbas believes that the restriction on freedoms is a decision of the Coordination Framework, which ended the confrontation with the Sadrists in August 2022 by seizing power and the public space. Abbas said that presenting laws of a conservative nature that violate human rights after the Sadrists' withdrawal is "an attempt to impose cultural dominance," and what increases the cost for Abbas is "the absence of political forces or solid civil society institutions to respond to these violations. Even the Human Rights Commission is affiliated with them."
The Provinces... Stripped of Journalism and Politics
Regarding the provinces, some police commanders and governors act like rulers of closed republics, as activists and journalists are subjected to violations behind closed walls that other cities do not know about. The central government in Baghdad seems "satisfied" with what is happening; parliamentarians have close relationships with the local government, and the governor there may even use members of his tribe against his critics, according to a journalist from Basra who refused to reveal his name for reasons related to his job and personal security. He said: "The southern provinces have become without journalism, because what is circulated is what the governor agrees to offer for circulation."
In October 2024, Dhi Qar province witnessed a severe arrest campaign against Tishreen protest demonstrators. The MP for the province at that time, Dawood Al-Idan, said in television statements that "the police commander, Najah al-Abadi, told us that he is working under the direct guidance of Al-Sudani" regarding the arrests.
Up until 2025, (A.S.) was subjected to 6 arrests in Dhi Qar. In an interview in a city far from his province, he asked not to mention his real name because of a lawsuit still ongoing against him. He said that the month of November was harsh for him, as "I was arrested by a joint force that included the local police, intelligence, national security, and Hashd security because of posts on social media in which I criticized the reality of Nasiriyah and Iraq in general."
For (A.S.), it was shocking to be presented before the judiciary under Article 197 of the Iraqi Penal Code. He said: "I was charged with espionage for neighboring countries and promoting Israel." (A.S.) was subjected to types of torture during the detention period. He was placed in a narrow cell not exceeding one meter by one meter, without food or drink for 12 days. The torture sessions would begin with psychological methods in the first hour, then turn into physical torture, through beating with bamboo sticks, followed by the stage of electric shocks, leading to being hung by the shoulders or legs until he lost consciousness and bled from his nose and mouth, then he would be lowered, only for the same scenario to be repeated the next day throughout his imprisonment.
One night, a bag was placed over (A.S.)'s head and he was drowned inside a water barrel. When he would ask to stop or show his readiness to confess to anything, they would state clearly: "We did not bring you for a confession, but for discipline and to stop writing." He said they "demanded that I mention the names of my sisters and detail their bodies."
Stories of repression in southern Iraq seem "vengeful." Dhi Qar province was the loudest voice during the Tishreen protests in 2019. Party headquarters were burned there and many governors changed. In the city rich in oil resources and angry at the existence of more than 131,000 unemployed, journalists and activists live in constant anticipation of accusations and arrests for reasons that do not seem legally convincing.
In the first months of 2026, a few young people from Dhi Qar wanted to hold a reading festival titled "Nasiriyah Reads," where they receive book donations to distribute for free to the province's readers. Activist Ayman Ammar Falih was waiting for the arrival of a thousand books from donors in Baghdad. He did not know that the desire for a cultural festival would turn into a terrifying nightmare for him. On February 12, he received a call from a delivery driver telling him he was at the Nasiriyah checkpoint. The driver said that "the security elements, when they searched the books, found a book carrying a picture of the head of the former regime, Saddam Hussein." The driver was detained at the Bat-ha police station. Falih went to clarify the matter to the station. He told them that the books were donations from libraries, publishing houses, and citizens that had not yet been sorted, and when they were sorted for display in the festival, the prohibited ones would be destroyed. But that did not help, and Falih would face a journey of torture that has not ended to this moment.
Falih was arrested by Bat-ha intelligence and transferred directly to Nasiriyah intelligence and then to Nasiriyah Counter-Terrorism. He tried hard to clarify the matter, but a member shouted in his face that he is a "Ba'athist and we will celebrate with you tonight," in reference to the torture parties held in the centers. Falih told the members that he is "actually organized within the Communist Party." One of the members responded with a slap to Falih's face along with a hail of heavy insults. The activist faced a painful fate in solitary confinement. He was beaten in a room where he was forbidden from sitting, otherwise slaps would descend on his body again.
Falih sits in a cafe in Najaf and tells the IOHR what happened to him. They lifted him onto a iron table and tied him under the armpits with chains they began to tie proficiently, then they removed the table to leave him hanging. Falih explained repeatedly that he wanted to hold a festival named "Nasiriyah Reads," and that "the books come via donations and he is not responsible for them." He "possesses official approvals," repeating to them that he is "a member of the Communist Party and the charge is illogical in this case, because there is a long bloody history of conflict between the two parties." But the answer was using electricity to confess that Falih "possesses a Ba'athist cell."
Falih refused to give the secret code for his phone, but they opened it with "electric shocks" as well. The activist remained hanging until evening. The investigator held an electric shocker in his left hand, and in his right hand a bundle of accusations, including "a Ba'athist cell linked to America."
Falih is still trying to convince the security elements that these books were for the "Nasiriyah Reads" festival, but the investigation officers re-hung him and then lowered him to ask: Are you an atheist? Falih replied that his "Communist" party does not stipulate belief or lack thereof. The investigator said to him "then you are an atheist" and began hitting him and ordered other elements to strip him of his clothes. The idea of the cultural festival made Falih face his fate naked and bound before an investigator asking him about his sexual orientation and what he prefers. He told him: "Why aren't you married until now... do you prefer men?" He threatened him that most of those who do not confess spend their night with "Ja'far who prefers men of his age and films them."
Falih remained for a week facing different kinds of physical and psychological pain. He was beaten with an iron rod more than 80 times according to his count. They would spit in his face at every word he said that did not please them. The investigator told him: "You—the Communist and the Ba'athist—are no different. Both say 'comrade' and your ideas are socialist." The investigator asked him again about his opinion on Islamic parties and the Popular Mobilization Forces (Hashd). He answered until the activist grew tired of clarifying, to be presented after that before the judge twice and released on bail, but the case is still ongoing and he is waiting for the trial time.
In the south, there are attempts at what resembles a pounce on any protests that could be repeated. Academics call it a "counter-revolution to Tishreen," but the matter is no different in other provinces that did not witness any movement during the Tishreen protests, where repression takes an "ethical character" in which the authorities try to lean on conservative tribal literatures. In August 2025, the region was holding its breath against the backdrop of the repercussions of October 7. The Anbar police led a severe security campaign in the streets to arrest young men wearing short shorts or what is locally known as "Bermuda."
Activist Mohammed al-Azzawi said: "The action of the Anbar provincial police violates the laws because the arrest of young men must be according to a legal article, and based on a request from a judge." There, "shorts" are pursued without judicial orders, but the pursuit will be more severe when an activist dares to criticize the governor or the head of the "Taqadum" party, Mohammed al-Halbousi. Samer al-Fallahi said: "It is a closed fortress for the Taqadum party and whoever dares to oppose will be broken without a supporter." He also said: "These are provinces stripped of politics by a decision that is non-negotiable." He added: "Shaving heads has become familiar to young men who enter police stations there."
About 100 to 110 kilometers away, in the capital Baghdad, some voices find themselves facing the judiciary for accusations that are "also baseless." On April 20, 2026, academic and political analyst Mohammed Na’na’ said on his Facebook page that "he will stand before the Iraqi judiciary to defend himself against the charge of insulting the 1920 Revolution" which occurred in Iraq more than 100 years ago.
Can there be "sanctity" for historical occasions? The author of the investigation directed a question to lawyer and activist Mohammed Jumaa. He said: "This is not legally possible, and Na’na’ mentioned historical facts found in the heart of books." However, wills within the system want to "turn the judicial institution from an umbrella to protect freedom of opinion and expression into a sword pointed at the means of publication," as put by Hamed al-Sayyed.
Preventing a "Second Tishreen"
The escalation of violations in Iraq is not limited to a decision concerning fears and expectations after the escalation of fires in the region. For the head of the research department at the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, Haider Saeed, he attributes what is happening to the way the authority managed the country and the public sphere in it after the (Tishreen uprising) of 2019.
According to a private interview conducted with him, Saeed describes the recent years as "the worst and largest in terms of authority violations of the right of expression since 2003." However, he believes that "the root of what is happening dates back to after the Tishreen protests and the way the authority system managed the country, which focused its strategy on preventing the occurrence of a (Second Tishreen) or any widespread protest movement."
This strategy, alongside repression, is based on developing clientelist networks that confiscate the society's political choices through the services provided by the authority or a project for "development" that serves as an alternative to civil liberties. From here, "come the persistent efforts to close the public sphere, and therefore, recent years witnessed a record number in cases of repression and lawsuits concerning the pure right to freedom of expression, in addition to intimidation, threats, and bargaining with citizens over their sources of livelihood," according to Saeed.
Saeed believes that the events of October 7, 2023, deepened "the authority's tendency towards closing the public sphere and restricting freedom of expression more and more, taking the sharp polarization witnessed by Iraqi society as a cover to move forward in this field, especially since one of the reactions to the events of October 7 is what a significant portion of the civil ranks drifted into: questioning Western liberal values and mixing them with the acts of genocide practiced by Israel."
This investigation comes within a research study completed within the framework of the "Young Researchers Fellowship" in partnership with Rutgers University in the United States of America, as part of the "Critical Studies in Iraq" project. The study aims to shed light on the worsening challenges facing journalistic and political freedoms in Iraq, in a context that indicates something like a systematic closure of the public sphere since 2019, with an additional escalation after the events of October 7, 2023.
The study relied on field interviews with journalists, activists, and researchers, in addition to testimonies of victims who were subjected to violations because of their opinions or public activity, reflecting the nature of the increasing pressures on freedom of expression in the country.
The study was prepared by journalist and writer Ahmed Al-Sheikh Majed, who has been a writer on Iraqi political affairs since 2011 and has dozens of opinion articles, in addition to investigative reports and press reports that dealt with various political and security transformations in Iraq. Majed has also held multiple editorial positions, including editor, editor-in-chief, and news director in several Iraqi, Arab, and international media institutions.
